Horse News

Meet The Man — And Propaganda Machine — Behind Trump’s Latest Pardon

By Anne Helen Petersen Ken Bensinger Salvador Hernandez

How Forrest Lucas — the little-known millionaire whose company name is plastered on the home stadium of the Indianapolis Colts — wields power, propaganda, and even Sharon Stone to protect Big Agriculture. 

The last call Oregon rancher Dwight Hammond Jr. made before heading to federal prison on two counts of arson in 2016 was to a man he hardly knew. Forrest Lucas, who made his fortune on oil engine additives, promised Hammond that he would do whatever he could to get him and his son, Steven, out of prison.

Early Tuesday morning aboard Air Force One, en route to the NATO summit, President Donald Trump signed an official clemency order pardoning the two men. Lucas — a 76-year-old Indiana self-made millionaire with tight ties to the Trump administration — had fulfilled his pledge.

For nearly two decades, the Hammonds had been engaged in skirmishes with the Bureau of Land Management, an agency that functions as a go-between for ranchers and the federal land they lease for grazing. They pushed back, often threateningly, on regulations regarding the Malheur Wildlife Refuge, which bordered the Hammonds’ grazing allotment, and they set unpermitted fires on BLM land. After a second fire in 2006, the pair were charged with 19 different crimes, but eventually arranged a plea deal for just two charges of arson on federal land, which carried a minimum of a five-year sentence. The judge declared that such lengthy jail time qualified as cruel and unusual punishment, instead sentencing Dwight to three months and Steven to one year and one day. The pair served their time and returned home. But the federal government successfully appealed the sentence, and on Jan. 4, 2016, the Hammonds were ordered to return to prison.

The verdict brought Ammon and Ryan Bundy — who, along with their father, Cliven, had been involved in an armed confrontation with BLM officials over the management of their grazing allotment in Nevada — to Eastern Oregon. On Jan. 2, Ammon led several hundred people on a peaceful march through Burns, Oregon, in support of the Hammonds. At the end of the march, he made a declaration: Whoever wanted to take a “hard stand” against the government should follow him — thus launching what would become the 41-day armed standoff at the Malheur Wildlife Refuge.

The Hammonds, however, weren’t there. Nor did they condone what the Bundys and others had done in their name. When the occupation began, they were back on their ranch with Dave Duquette, Lucas’s close associate. When the Hammonds flew back to a hero’s welcome in Burns, Oregon, it was aboard Lucas’s private jet. Lucas, whose company, Lucas Oil, currently holds naming rights for the Indianapolis Colts’ stadium, has made a pro-agriculture, anti-regulation agenda his mission over the past eight years — and had decided that the Hammonds fit into his larger master plan.

To achieve his goals, Lucas has used a nonprofit he founded, Protect the Harvest — devoted to “working to protect your right to hunt, fish, farm, eat meat, and own pets” — as well as his close ties to Vice President Mike Pence, Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke, and Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue, whose top adviser is a former employee of Lucas’s. As Duquette puts it, “the access is very good.”

“Most people wouldn’t get involved,” Duquette told BuzzFeed News in early June. “But thank god for Forrest Lucas, because he’s been willing to take on the hard issues.” Among those hard issues: fighting environmental activists, pushing back against regulation, and protecting farmers and ranchers from what they see as federal overreach. That’s why Lucas grew interested in the Hammonds in the first place. “We’re all about affordable food and land use and personal rights,” Duquette explained. The Hammond case “intersects perfectly with the Protect the Harvest mission.”

Protect the Harvest has built a positive rapport with the ag community by sponsoring scholarships and racetracks and film festivals. But the nonprofit has also benefited by inflaming the community’s anxieties that a time-honored way of life is coming to an end — while eliding the fact that its own lobbying on behalf of corporations and against regulations has hastened the destruction of that lifestyle.

For those active in the agricultural world, Lucas has primarily been known for his strong stance on animal regulation, actively opposing attempts to limit or monitor mistreatment of pets and livestock with laws that would, for example, establish minimum spacing for hen cages or veal calf pens, crack down on puppy mills, or prevent intentional mutilation of Tennessee walking horses. A particular target of his efforts has been the Humane Society of the United States — the national organization that has spearheaded the vast majority of initiatives related to animal regulation, and which Lucas has referred to as “terrorists.”

But Lucas’s agenda is hardly limited to cage sizes and puppy mills, as reflected by his support of the Hammonds and, by extension, the Bundys and others opposed to federal control of public lands. And to get what he wants, Lucas has employed a highly sophisticated lobbying and messaging machine, which does everything from funding opposition to municipal spaying and neutering ordinances to orchestrating “range rights” conferences, streamed live on Facebook to an audience of thousands.

Protect the Harvest has spent millions producing web videos and memes that spread across the dozens of Bundy-adjacent Facebook pages that have popped up in the last decade. It also focuses on messaging to children: There are anti-regulatory Protect the Harvest coloring activity sheets, and a pro-ag Protect the Harvest–branded teaching curriculum available for download on their website. In 2015, Lucas began producing feature-length films — starring Hollywood actors like Sharon Stone, Jon Voight, and Jane Seymour — to promote his strongly anti-regulation agenda.

Lucas’s film and television production studio, the Corona, California–based ESX Entertainment, currently has five films in production — including Stand at Paxton County described as the story of a rancher and his daughter who “face off against state and local authorities who by questionable means relieve local ranchers of their livestock and way of life.”

After Trump took office, Lucas made the short list of potential appointees for interior secretary. Although Montana Rep. Ryan Zinke ultimately got the job, he has provided an open door to both Lucas and Protect the Harvest. Meanwhile, Brian Klippenstein, who is still listed as PTH’s executive director, now works as senior adviser to Perdue. Pence’s vice presidency has been a boon for Lucas, who, according to a Protect the Harvest spokesperson, has been friends with Lucas since before he took the office of Indiana governor.

In addition to Lucas’s own role as one of Trump’s agricultural advisers, public records indicate that Lucas met with Zinke in April 2017 to discuss wild horses, grazing access issues, and national monument designations. In October, when Pence flew to attend an Indianapolis Colts game, abruptly leaving when players knelt during the national anthem, he first spent time posing for photos with Lucas and Duquette. Protect the Harvest also has ties to former EPA chief Scott Pruitt, who was a featured speaker at a Protect the Harvest event in Indianapolis on Jan. 26, 2016.

Lucas’s investment in the Hammonds — and the Bundys, who’ve been invited to Protect the Harvest–sponsored forums — is a means to an end. They have become symbols of the way many rural Americans feel they’ve been wronged by federal overreach, and Lucas, much like Trump, leverages those feelings to build support for one of his overriding goals: wide-scale deregulation of big business.

This is the story of how Forrest Lucas became the behind-the-scenes architect of a multipronged political and propaganda machine — unknown to most Americans, yet with an outsize influence on the current administration and the way millions think of their rural way of life, the industries that shape it, and the government’s role within it.

“This administration has been pretty good at asking for problems,” Duquette explained. “And then addressing them.” The Hammond pardon is the first such Protect the Harvest “problem” that’s been directly addressed on the national stage. But with Lucas’s direct access to multiple wings of the administration, it’s unlikely to be the last…(CONTINUED)

11 replies »

  1. An old saying, “We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American Eagle in order to feather their own nests.”

    Liked by 1 person

  2. Scott Pruitts gone, so that’s a start. They are claiming CJ Oakwood and Duquette were behind this online. The facts are the Hammonds were old, served most of their sentence and were pardoned based on those criteria. The hysterics from Duquette wearing shirts etc in their support literally because he can only win a fish shoot in a barrel because there’s no other competition. I personally think this is simply another bump on the zit we already were trying to clear up. The pardon was absolutely no surprise. In fact, it was clear the age of the elder Hammond was the leverage, he was cooperative at every stage, and attempted to simply serve and get it over with. That being said this was obviously going to be the outcome. The credit the baffons are taking is simply to make it appear they have power. They do not, no President would have not pardoned this short sentence with his age and cooperative level. That’s not rocket science that’s simply the pattern of Presidential pardons. Someone who commits a much more serious crime would have been passed over especially if they were younger. I don’t say I agree, but I see where they make it “appear” to be a win when it’s obviously not. And does Lucas realize he hired Doink?


  3. One thing, of many, that I found especially upsetting in this article is this sentence, “To achieve his goals, Lucas has used a nonprofit he founded, Protect the Harvest — devoted to “working to protect your right to hunt, fish, farm, eat meat, and own pets” — as well as his close ties to Vice President Mike Pence”.


  4. Standing room only

    Fish Springs community opposes BLM wild horse roundup

    GARDNERVILLE, Nev. (KOLO) The Fish Springs community is voicing its opposition to a BLM-proposed plan that looks to remove wild horses from the Pine Nut Mountains Herd Management area.
    The Bureau of Land Management says it is planning to remove 575 wild horses within the Pine Nut Mountains. The plan calls to leave approximately 26 horses and up to 8 colts in the Fish Springs area. Local groups say it would leave 80 wild horses in the Pine Nut Mountains.
    Residents in the area and many people around the world oppose the plan, as more than 150,000 people signed a petition.
    BLM says the change is necessary because the number of horses in this area has continued to grow and impact private property and public safety.


  5. From AWHC
    5 Ways to Help the Fish Springs Wild Horses

    Make 3 important calls:
    • Representative Mark Amodei: (775) 686-5760
    • Senator Catherine Cortez Masto: (775) 686-5750
    • Senator Dean Heller: (775) 686-5770
    You can say: “Please stop the BLM from removing the Fish Springs wild horses. The federal government should not ignore the wishes of the community, especially when their plan for the horses saves taxpayers $1.5 million.”


  6. State pays $71M to escape risky LUCAS OIL STADIUM debt

    The state is paying $71 million to investment bank Goldman Sachs to allow refinancing of risky debt on LUCAS OIL STADIUM

    Lucas Oil Stadium opened in 2008 at a cost of $720 million, including at least $620 million from taxpayers.

    separate bond issue will be used in part to pay Goldman Sachs $34.7 million to exit an interest rate swap deal for the Indiana Convention Center.
    Goldman Sachs spokesman Michael DuVally declined comment.
    In 2012, a top Goldman Sachs executive who worked in derivatives resigned and wrote in The New York Times that the company had become “toxic and destructive” in its pursuit of making money.


  7. Lucas Oil tycoon continues parties amid neighbor complaints
    The Associated Press
    July 17, 2018

    Neighbors who live near an oil tycoon’s sprawling suburban Indianapolis estate say he continues hosting extravagant events despite officials telling him the parties must end.
    Neighbors thought they had put an end to Forrest Lucas’ parties in September when Carmel officials told the Lucas Oil Products founder he could no longer host events at his “party barn” because he was essentially operating a commercial venue in a residential area. But Lucas hasn’t pledged to stop hosting events, which can draw up to 400 people, the Indianapolis Star reported .

    “Evidently the law only applies to the lowly, to those of us who go to work and pay our taxes, but a big wig gets to do whatever he wants,” said Kristie Blankenhorn, who lives nearby. “You think Mayor (Jim) Brainard is going to go up against a guy like Forrest Lucas?”


Care to make a comment?

Please log in using one of these methods to post your comment: Logo

You are commenting using your account. Log Out /  Change )

Twitter picture

You are commenting using your Twitter account. Log Out /  Change )

Facebook photo

You are commenting using your Facebook account. Log Out /  Change )

Connecting to %s

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.